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How Progressive Is the 'Pro-Growth Progressive'?

By Joshua Holland, AlterNet. Posted January 17, 2006.


A card-carrying lefty reviews former Clinton advisor Gene Sperling's new book on what makes for 'progressive' economic policy.
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Reading Gene Sperling's "The Pro-Growth Progressive: An Economic Strategy for Shared Prosperity" ignited a battle between the opposing factions that inform my worldview.

I have an inner tinkerer -- call him the Swedish Centrist -- who believes that working within the existing system can bring broader prosperity to millions of poor Americans. The Swede believes that pragmatic, technocratic policy adjustments can address middle and lower class pain.

I also have within me a Radical Reformer -- a voice whispering that the system as we know it is beyond repair, that too much power and wealth are concentrated in too few hands to hope that a just economy is possible without a sea-shift in our political culture and economic arrangements.

"The Pro-Growth Progressive" thrilled the Swedish Centrist in me, and left the Radical Reformer hitting his head against the wall in abject frustration. Because while the book, on one level, is a simplified, largely jargon-free book of wonk -- progressive economics for dummies -- it is also an illustration of the disconnect between the leftover Clinton establishment in Washington and the millions of real people struggling to make ends meet under the legacy of its policies.

Sperling, whom Bill Clinton called the "MVP" of his economic team, is certainly a part of that establishment. But he also has a track record that progressives can't ignore. While there's much to criticize about the Clinton era, when he said that in a fair economy "the rich should get richer and the poor should get richer too," he followed that up with policies that produced results.

As Sperling happily notes, Clinton oversaw an eight-year respite from the assault on working families' wages. Between 1979 and 1993, the top 20 percent of earners saw their incomes increase by 28.4 percent, while the bottom fifth of the income spread saw theirs drop by 13 percent. But under Clinton, "Those in the bottom fifth saw the largest income growth of 22.5 percent." African Americans enjoyed the highest income growth at 33 percent. By the late 1990s, poverty among blacks and Hispanics was at its lowest point in the history of the republic.

That was due in no small part to smart progressive policies like the refundable Earned Income Tax Credit, a program that's pumped $100 billion in wage benefits to working families since its passage and keeps 5 million Americans above the poverty line. As an insider's insider, Sperling guides the reader through the twists and turns of getting the EITC past GOP opposition. (Much of the book is a behind-the-scenes peek at the fights, the victories and the missed opportunities in Bill Clinton's go-go 1990s economy.)

Sperling talks about the increasing difficulties two-earner families have juggling child raising and career, and notes that the burden falls disproportionately on women and the poor: "Mothers are often prevented from moving up to the varsity level after taking time off or reducing their hours to raise children."

"Many workers lack even the most basic protections like sick leave or the flexibility to attend a parent-teacher conference," he adds. "Seventy-six percent of low-wage workers have no paid sick leave, and 41 percent have no paid leave of any kind."

Sperling proposes a range of policies under his "Work Family Balancing Act," including a $3,000 fully refundable "newborn leave" tax credit to allow new parents the flexibility to take time off to bond with their babies, expanding the number of workers who are eligible for family leave and establishing universal pre- and after-school programs.

He also cautions that the United States is at risk of losing its competitive edge, and calls for more technology infrastructure, a renewed commitment to education and a reversal of the Bush administration's cuts to basic research funding. "Over the past two decades," Sperling writes, "the share of workers with at least a college degree grew by 50 percent; over the next two decades it will grow by only 4 percent."

Sperling points out that the United States, having started the digital revolution, has fallen to 16th in the world in broadband access, and asks: "Why should we ever lose even a single American job because there is better broadband in Bangalore than in Buffalo?"


Digg!

Joshua Holland is an AlterNet staff writer.

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An economic experiment
Posted by: anothername on Jan 17, 2006 5:00 AM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
The only reason I could find to justify voting for John Kerry in 2004 (as opposed to voting against George Bush) was Gene Sperling. I thought it would be interesting as a scientific control experiment to see if Sperling could replicate the economic growth of the Clinton era. If he did replicate it, the debate over what drives an economy would not be answered; yet, if he did not replicate it, the Democratic Leadership Council would have much to answer for from less Republican members of the Democratic Party.

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» RE: An economic experiment Posted by: JoshuaHolland
» RE: An economic experiment Posted by: JoshuaHolland
Radical Reformer
Posted by: robchapman on Jan 17, 2006 7:02 AM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
I can appreciate your struggle, but try to see what you are saying: radical reformer- how can one devise a coherent sense of strategy from two such contradictory poles?
To your Swedish centrist- nice guy that he is; this ain't Sweden.
Unfortunately, economic policy in this country has become the central front in the class war that the media is masquerading for us under name of culture war.
Sperling's genius was that he enabled our side to win the class war on the opposition's own terrain.
We were not called upon to accept assimilationist, i.e., subordinating, rules of conduct and thinking to improve our economic standing.
By stating his goals in clear win/win oriented policy terms Sperling presided over a period in which the havenots grew their wealth and power.
Until we have nots are a lot bigger, that is big enough to run the country again, Sperling made the best deal that we will be able to get from a country willing to entrust the government to the party of the haves and haves more.

Robert Chapman
Lansing , New York

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Centrists, Swedish and American
Posted by: davelwhite on Jan 17, 2006 7:39 AM   
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Somewhere in between smashing capitalism, on the one hand, and incremental policies such as Clinton's people proposed, are the actual policies implemented by actual centrists in Sweden. Take vacation time and sick time-- the author mentioned how many people don't even get sick days in America, and some rather involved "leave policies" that have been proposed to fix this. Real Swedish centrists, by contrast, just mandate that everybody gets sick time-- and even VACATION time. Time to do whatever they want, can you imagine THAT being a "right" in the Land of the Free?

You and I both know that if we ever GOT mandatory vacation time in America, it would be a means-tested program and its "clients" would have to fill out forms in triplicate telling us why they were taking it; they would be made to feel guilty endlessly for taking advantage of "government benefits," and then studies would show that they were spending too much time hanging out in the park or on their front stoops with friends instead of industriously remodeling their houses and taking their kids to 15 different organized activities like "proper" middle class people do on vacation. Then all the middle class voters (or voters who aspire to the middle class) would get jealous, and employers would run TV campaings telling them that "those people" were "misusing" the vacation time, and it would get canceled. You know it and I know it.

As long as nobody in America trusts anybody else (and yes, the distrust is especially highlighted along racial and class lines, but I think it's important to realize the degree to which white middle class people don't even trust other white middle class people) we will have the choice of minutely regulated "benefits" granted in a Scrooge-like manner by our betters, or of (allegedly) "smashing capitalism". If we can build up trust, we will have a third choice.

Dave

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Less Evolution: More Intelligent Design!
Posted by: Lincoln fan on Jan 17, 2006 7:49 AM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
He doesn't grasp that the Democratic Party has evolved to become a party that, at best, can claim to be slightly less beholden to the corporatocracy than the Republicans.

Until the majority of Americans realize that both parties are controlled by the corporatocracy and take action, there will be no solution to our problems. Most liberals seem to think that the Democratic party has "gone astray" and that it will "come to its senses". This is not so. It has been bought by the corporate establishment. When they come into power they will not make any changes that will risk the corporate largesse that they share with the Republicans. We must save ourselves.

Neither party represents the people. Therefore our government doesn't represent the people. "Taxation without representation" is the American definition of tyranny. It is up to the American patriots to once again overthrow the tyrants. We must take control of both parties. The only differences in the parties should be their approaches to serving the public. For instance, should there be any discussion as to whether universal healthcare would be desirable, or whether the homeless should be housed or a whether a host of other issues should be resolved? No, the discussion should be about how these things can best be accomplished.

We can take control of both parties before the 2006 elction.The method is simple and surprisingly easy. Every eligible voter only has to write four letters. One to each of the parties' national campaign headquarters and one to each parties' state headquarters. In this letter he will state his position on his most important issue and say that he will not vote for any party or candidate that doesn't have a plan that supports his view. If neither party supports his view he will cast a protest vote for "Honest Abe".

A bonus in this plan is that both parties will support the issues strongly favored and those issues will no longer be issues in the campaign.

Join the Licoln Initiative and help make "government of the people, by the people, and for the people" a reality. Click on join today

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John de Graaf
Posted by: JohndeGraaf on Jan 17, 2006 8:14 AM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
Joshua Holland seems to think that all progressives these days are pro-growth, but that's not true. Not that all growth is automatically bad, but the US already uses 25 acres of land per person to achieve our lifestyle, while the earth has only 5 acres of productive land per person--thus we need to begin limiting material growth, not encouraging it. Every environmentalist knows that on a finite planet we can't grow on like this. It's simply not sustainable. We need to begin to trade future productivity advances for such things are more free time--needed for health, excercise, community life, families, environmental stewardship, etc.--instead of more stuff. GDP is a poor measurement of progress in any case, as it measures only dollar values--that is only those things which sell on the market. Time for non-material, non-market values simply doesn't count, so we sacrifice more and more of these things on the altar of growth. Moreover, there is simply no evidence that, beyond a certain level of affluence (attained in the 1950s by most Americans), more economic growth makes us happier and some evidence that it gives us less of the things that do make us happier. What we need is Pro-Quality of Life Progressives, not Pro-Growth Progressives.

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» RE: quality of life Posted by: ScottP
» RE: John de Graaf Posted by: JoshuaHolland
» Growth vs Population Posted by: Rod in 83706
» RE: John de Graaf Posted by: JohndeGraaf
run, run, run
Posted by: JoshuaHolland on Jan 17, 2006 9:11 AM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
I'm running around a bit today, but I'll weigh in on some of the comments in the late afternoon.

Adjo (Swedish for 'bye'),

JH

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Cuba
Posted by: chaoslegs on Jan 17, 2006 11:25 AM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
"Freedom," he writes, echoing those who opposed the sanctions regime against Apartheid South Africa, "will come through exposure to our values, not by denying access to our markets until a nation gets in line."

So does he advocate normalizing trade with Cuba?

When will the US stop trying to influence the democratic process in other countries like Haider in Austria or Arafat in Palestine? I despised Haider's platform, but I think Austrian's should be allow to make that choice and for the rest of the world to be wary of him. However, it is their choice, that is what soverign nations do.

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» RE: Cuba Posted by: JoshuaHolland
» RE: Cuba Posted by: Rod in 83706
» RE: Cuba Posted by: EncinoM
What is growth?
Posted by: Ace on Jan 17, 2006 11:32 AM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
As long as we continue to measure growth by the ancient GDP calculation we will never dig ourself out of the hole. As long as events that have negative social consequences such as oil spills and gun violence contribute to a growing GDP we will never get a true measure of our progress as a nation and an economy. Economists need to revolutionize the way we think about growth so we all can give the future a chance.

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» RE: What is growth? Posted by: drone
Clinton and the New Economy
Posted by: yellow on Jan 17, 2006 11:35 PM   
Current rating: Not yet rated    [1 = poor; 5 = excellent]
Sperling's advocacy to a return to Clintonomics can be addressed by approach to the "New Economy" in the work of Doug Henwood. Henwood makes comprehensible the high GDP growth rate of the late 1990s by eschewing the idea that a "new" economy had emeged with "higher speed limits" for inflation free growth due to technology and productivity relatively free of cyclical fluctuations. Henwood sees a steady resurgence of economic growth after the 1982 peak of the Volker induced recession by the Fed which shot up interest rates and gold prices to unprecedented levels. This recession not only reduced inflation but seemingly broke the back of an already weakened labor movement in the US and world wide. Since that point a massive inflow of foreign capital to the US began in the early to mid-1980s in part stimulated by high domestic long-term interest rates of nearly 20% and a weak dollar. This financed a brief spurt of manufacturing sector led growth some of which was accounted for by growing levels of foreign direct investment. The brief crash of 1987 and the mild recession that followed at the end of George H.W. Bush's term was succeeded by an upswing in the early 1990s with foreign capital entering the US bond markets among other things and a tax increase on the rich to finance a new budget which was to put more income in the pockets of the lower and middle classes. Much of the late '90s prosperity was funded by unprecedented levels of consumer debt as average household debt/service and debt/equity ratios rose dramatically. The housing and stockmarket bubbles continued financed by an average of $2 billion in foreign capital imports a day until Greenspan began to raise short term interest rates by around 2000 then quickly reversed himself. Recessionary sluggishness continued under Bush II with much lower average annual GDP growth rates and negative job growth. Today there is a total disconnect between GDP growth and employment-the jobless recovery-and between labor productivity and wage growth. Globalization is deconstructing our once integrated national economy and creating a new global division of labor based on new global production and supply chains fueled by a race to the bottom. The nearly 4% average annual growth rates of the late '90s stemmed from unsustainable credit induced demand. Clinton's progressive policies ensured a better distribution of benefits unlike Bush's policies. What we really need is a total overhaul of US corporate capitalism!

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